The survival and success of a company internationally is dependent on a multitude of factors, such as their financial resources, past experience, and familiarity with their own domestic market in order to achieve this international presence. However, certain firms called ‘born global’ firms have been able to establish international operations despite not possessing the resources or experience. According to Knight and Cavusgil (2004), Born global firms (BGs) are companies that begin international operations either at or soon after their establishment, with a notable part of their revenue generated from their activities in foreign markets.
Apart from early internationalization, BGs are characterized by their small size, limited resources, lack of prior experience in the domestic and international markets, and limited knowledge. These characteristics serve to differentiate them from large multinational enterprises, domestic firms, and small and medium-sized enterprises that follow a more gradual internationalization path.
The workshop includes discussions on the development of theory leading to a rethinking of neoliberalism, recasting of the concept of moral economy to integrate it with institutional explanations, a rethinking of poverty alleviation and a recognition and making visible the institutional forces that influence how people think and behave. It will also considers the causal assumptions on which policies are designed.
Venue: GC601, Graduate Centre, Mile End Campus
Date: Thursday, 13th June 2019
In my previous post, I summarised a demand-side explanation of the British Industrial Revolution. In this post, I will outline a supply-side explanation put forward by economic historians Margaret Jacob and Joel Mokyr. According to the supporters of the supply-side explanation, Britain had a supply of human capital who were capable of using science and engineering knowledge to solve practical problems. Besides having a comparative advantage in human capital over continental Europe, by the eighteenth century, Britain had the necessary institutional environment that promoted the principles of the market economy. Interaction between the forces of market economy and science made the practical applications of scientific discoveries more successful in Britain. This did not happen in continental Europe, because, for centuries, the political and religious establishment had been restricting the advancement of science if it conflicted with their political agenda and Western Europe was politically fragmented.
In her latest article for Project Syndicate, Professor Brigitte Granville scrutinized the anatomy of the populist movements that have been gaining political ground in many western countries. Published this February and drawing on the insights of various Project Syndicate contributors, the article explained how these different movements have a similar zero sum view of the world and pointed to the then forthcoming elections in the Netherlands and France as bellwethers.
The upcoming French elections are the new bellwether of populist politics. In the two-round presidential contest, polls point to Marine Le Pen making it into, but then losing, the second round run-off. Nonetheless, reflecting the growing appeal of the National Front (FN), Ms Le Pen is poised to do considerably better than her father – Jean Marie Le Pen – did in 2002, when he got through to the second round against the then incumbent, Jacques Chirac. In her latest article for the OMFIF bulletin, “Unemployment spurs Le Pen Phenomenon”, Professor Brigitte Granville – CGR Director – argues that to explain the strength of the FN, the poor performance of the French economy matters even more than immigration and other issues touching on identity politics.
Recessions hit hard and fast while wages and labour conditions are sticky and difficult to adapt, which tends to lead to high unemployment levels during business cycle downturns. We can see an example of this in the unemployment levels of some European economies. According to Eurostat, Spain had an unemployment rate of the 22.7% in April 2015, a rate that skyrocketed from 8.1% in January 2008. Similarly Greece’s unemployment rate went from 8% in 2008 to 25.6% in 2017. Portugal has also experienced a bumpy ride, albeit a more moderate one. The unemployment rate started at similar levels to Spain and Greece in 2008, peaked around 17.5% in January 2013 and start decreasing afterwards down to 13% in April 2015.